Unite On Burma
         Nations Must Stand
     Together Against Regime

David Steinberg may have been the only American to meet with a senior member of the Burmese government after the brutal repression of pro-democracy demonstrations in September. Steinberg is a Burma expert at Georgetown University, and he says the Burmese agreed to see him late last month because, for years, they have looked to him for honest, often blunt, assessments of the government's standing in the world. This meeting was no exception.

"I will tell you things your staff won't tell you," Steinberg said he told a senior minister he is not permitted to name. "Your government is following a policy that is disastrous for society. You have lost legitimacy. Your explanations are not believed by anyone internally or externally."

The minister listened quietly. He offered no particular reaction except to say, "There is no socioeconomic crisis here."

This week, Steinberg's acknowledged that his visit had no apparent effect. The same can be said for the world's fitful efforts to break the Burmese junta's destructive hold on the country over the past 20 years.

For two decades, the United States, the United Nations, Burma's Southeast Asian neighbors and other countries have fretted about the Burmese people now and then and applied vacillating, contradictory policies. At times, in some countries, isolation is the policy de jour. At other times in other capitals, engagement is offered as the cure.

Now it is plain: None of this has worked, and after all these years the junta's grip is strangling the country. U Gambria, a Burmese monk leader, spoke by phone to Radio Free Asia in September and had this to say:

"To Buddhists all over the world and activists and supporters of the Burmese movement, please help to liberate the Burmese people from this disastrous and wicked system. ...Many people are being killed, imprisoned, tortured and sent to forced labor camps."

My hope is that Manmohan Singh, the Indian prime minister, happened to be listening to Radio Free Asia that day. But I doubt it would have made any difference, given India's shameful behavior toward Burma. At the height of the demonstrations, while soldiers were torturing and killing monks, the Indian government proclaimed that Burma remained "a close and friendly neighbor" and dispatched its petroleum minister there to make a deal.

India is not the only villain. China sells arms to the Burmese military and buys natural gas. Thailand pays the military dictators $2.8 billion a year for natural gas. Malaysia's state-owned oil company pumps natural gas for the junta.

So does Chevron, the American company. It gets a grandfather exemption from U.S. sanctions because it has been operating there for so long.

Late last month, President Bush condemned the junta's barbarous crackdown and tightened longstanding American sanctions. But Maureen Aung-Thwin, a Burmese who heads the Burma Project at the Open Society Institute, believes Bush's declamations are counterproductive.

"You just don't want to hear this loud voice from America anymore" because people don't want to seem to be following Washington's lead, she said.

International dysfunction runs even deeper. While Washington ratchets up sanctions, the United Nations is promoting closer engagement - and chooses to refer to the nation by the dictators' favored name, Myanmar. Ibrahim Gambari, the U.N. envoy to Burma, suggested that "a combination of strong encouragement of the authorities in Myanmar to do the right thing along with some incentives" would show that "the world is not there to just punish Myanmar."

Well, if the Burmese leaders had any inclination "to do the right thing," we'd have heard about that decades ago. All of this presents a cacophony of conflicting approaches that have emboldened the military dictators and enabled them to weather international scorn with hardly a worry.

If President Bush really cares about the Burmese people, rather than haranguing one day and then moving on, why not call the various players in this debate - the United Nations, European Union, Burma's neighbors - to a conference? Maybe they could agree on a unified strategy. Maybe, under the klieg lights and the skeptical gaze of 1,000 reporters, China and India and Singapore might be shamed into doing the right thing.

Joel Brinkley is a former Pulitzer Prize-winning foreign correspondent for The New York Times and now the Lorry I. Lokey visiting professor in journalism at Stanford University. This was distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Information Services.